Anyone following the recent local elections could be forgiven for believing that a new powerful political force had emerged in the form of UKIP.

The BBC, Sky News, ITN and every other media outlet seemed determined to make a story out of the dullest of election campaigns for many a year and, in the absence of anything more interesting, lazy journalism led to a flurry of outrageous stories claiming that UKIP had made a major political breakthrough, with Nigel Farage and his band of merry men (and women) on the verge of smashing the traditional parties out of sight.

This myth was extolled by commentators who, quite frankly, should know better, and has continued in the aftermath of the May polls despite the fact that UKIP won only 14% of a low poll, and is still looking to secure its first parliamentary seat. Outside of its policies on immigration and Europe, UKIP have little or nothing to say on the issues that really matter to the electorate, the NHS, education and the economy.

It may suit Euro sceptic Tories and the Murdoch press to pretend that UKIP should be taken seriously. However, a glance back at recent history will tell you that UKIP are simply securing protest votes from the disaffected who are finding the mainstream parties and their leaders in need of a bit of a kicking – whilst most voters have decided to stay at home.

Back in the early eighties, as the Prime Minister who recently passed away with eulogies bordering on martyrdom was presiding over a country riven with division, experiencing high levels of community disorder, mass unemployment and inner city riots, voters were looking at how they could give her, and the Michal Foot led Labour Party, a kicking.

In 1981 Roy Jenkins was Nigel Farrage. He had, along with Labour defectors David Owen, Shirley Williams and Bill Rodgers, formed the Social Democratic Party. Jenkins, a Euro enthusiast who had served in a sixties Labour government as Chancellor, successfully courted Liberal leader David Steel, and an Alliance was established between the two parties.

Such was the fervour surrounding the launch of this new political movement Steel proclaimed to delegates at the Liberal conference of 1982 “Go back to your constituencies and prepare for government.”

He was not saying this for effect, nor had he taken leave of his senses. Jenkins had won a parliamentary by-election in Glasgow Hillhead. Shirley Williams had won Crosby, Merseyside. Polls showed that the SDP-Liberal Alliance commanded over 50% support of the British electorate. David Steel and his colleagues had every reason to believe a media circus that was peddling the notion that the end was nigh for the two ‘big’, traditional parties.

Twelve months later, in April 1983, Margaret Thatcher was re-elected as Prime Minister with a three digit parliamentary majority – a landslide victory over second placed Labour who secured just 204 seats. The Alliance returned with just 23 MP’s.

Their bubble had burst, the electorate had decided ‘better the devil you know. Of course there were other factors. The Falklands War, Thatcher’s new found confidence in its aftermath, an economic recovery of sorts to name but a few. Nonetheless, I have no doubt that in the General Election of 2015 UKIP will be buried and become the footnote in history that they deserve to be.

It is true that Cameron, nor Miliband, is Margaret Thatcher. But then again Farage is no Roy Jenkins, and look what happened to him!

The Prime Minister and his Chancellor were under pressure this week to deliver speeches that bought them time, both with the British public, and with their own party.

The noises of discontent from Conservatives about the inability of Dave and George to tame their junior partner in government had led to a feeling both inside and outside of parliament that the Lib Dem tail was wagging the Tory dog.

Ed Miliband’s decent performance at his conference last week, Vince Cables demands at the Liberal’s jamboree to soak the rich and the ever present spectre of Boris Johnson meant that both Cameron and Osborne had to be at their very best in Birmingham – and as far as the Tory right are concerned, they didn’t disappoint.

The chancellor focussed his fire on welfare and the work shy, promising £10 billion worth of cuts to the benefits budget, and reminding delegates that as soon as he could he would cut taxes, throwing in for good measure that there would be no ‘mansion tax’.

From the PM, no mention of past interests such as climate change or hugging hoodies. Instead, a reiteration of his commitment to those who want to work hard, better themselves and get on in life. He wants to spread privilege, not protect it. He articulated a compelling attack on some of the absurdities that exist within the existing benefits system, and he reminded Ed Miliband that the government did not have money to write out cheques to people – it was the people’s money in the first place.  

It was an impressive performance, and one that will certainly halt any talk in the short term of a visit to number ten from the men in grey suits.

Osborne and Cameron rediscovered their voice and their confidence because they were actually talking to us with conviction. They remembered that they are Tories, and they espoused Tory doctrine extremely effectively.

The problem they have had, and will have, is that that sort of free market, rampaging Conservatism may well go down a storm with Tory delegates in Brum – but it will have had Liberal Democrats absolutely seething.

When the cabinet next meets, will Cameron and Osborne lay it on the line to their minority stakeholder in government and tell them to tow the line. Or will we see another period of compromise, fudge and U turns?

Not for the first time a UK government and Prime minister chose political expediency over the national interest this week.

Troubled by back bench rebellions, low poll ratings and a fall out with his Liberal Democrat partners, David Cameron chose to reshuffle his cabinet pack, rather than tackle the much more worrying issue as far as the country is concerned, that of a flat lining economy.

A rethink of economic strategy, which I have been calling for since early 2011, is now desperately required. As I have consistently pointed out, this recession is like no other in that it is both global and deep. The idea that old political dogmas can be used as remedies for very new and different problems is a mistake the chancellor has made, but will not admit.

Similarly, it would be wrong to believe that spending our way out of trouble is the answer, but a sustained period of the austere measures the coalition has in store for the next three years will simply see the country borrowing more as the tax take declines.

A combination of strategic spending on the likes of housing, roads and other infrastructure projects, and a more flexible and targeted public sector cuts programme has to be considered. This more balanced approach is what the government must embark upon if they are to regain credibility and confidence.

The idea that making it easier for us all to build a ‘lean to’ or a conservatory is going to kick start the economy would be funny if it had come from anyone other than the Prime Minister. If this is his ‘big idea’ then lord help us all.

Cameron is not the first Prime Minister to put party politics before the country’s needs. John Major put up with the destabilising of his government and our relationship with Europe by trying to placate his ‘bastards’ for far too long. Tony Blair allowed an intransigent chancellor to block the transformational changes he wanted to make to our public sector. Both lived to regret their failure to act.

I think Cameron will look back on this week and see it as an opportunity missed. He may have bought some time with his own right wing MP’s, but the general public are not so easily bought. And nor, apparently, is Boris!

It was sixties Labour leader and Prime Minister Harold Wilson who famously said ‘a week is a long time in politics.’ If that is the case, then the past seven days must have seemed like an eternity to David Cameron and his Chancellor George Osborne.

A huge uprising of Tory backbenchers on plans led by their coalition partners the Liberal Democrats to reform the Lords looked like bad news for the Tory leadership at the start of the week. However, that potential rebellion looked like a storm in a teacup by the week’s end.

Being accused of being a couple of out of touch toffs is an attack that both Cameron and Osborne not only suffer from but absolutely expect. However, they do not expect that attack to come from one of their own party’s rising parliamentary stars. They may try and dismiss Nadine Dorries comments as the mutterings of a maverick, but they hurt because they know it’s what a lot of those that really matter – the electorate- suspect. It is extremely unhelpful for a Conservative MP to remind us all of the fact.

This was then followed by revelations at the Leveson inquiry that the governments Culture Secretary  was allegedly up to no good in relation to News Corps takeover bid for BSkyB. The Minister in question, Jeremy Hunt, is a ‘Cameroon’ and it is of little surprise that the Prime Minister wants to keep hold of him if he can. However, if only a small part of what James Murdoch claimed this week is true, then Hunt will be gone before the end of the summer.

All this though, as exciting as it is for political commentators and ‘geeks’ like me, is simply bluff and bluster and political knockabout for the masses, who care little for such matters.

Another well known leader, President Bill Clinton, ran his campaign for election in 1994 by repeatedly reminding his team that ‘it’s the economy stupid.’

And it was the news on Wednesday that UK PLC had suffered a ‘double dip’ recession which will potentially have the greatest impact on the futures of Messrs Cameron and Osborne. People are resigned to the pain of cuts, but they have been promised a much more robust and swifter recovery than is proving to be the case.

Huge levels of unemployment, reductions in services and unpopular measures on the NHS are only worth supporting if we are getting some pay back. These figures suggest that we are not.

Osborne says there is no ‘plan B’. The right of his party want him to go further with his spending cuts agenda – but also to be more aggressive with his tax cutting agenda too. The opposition, who have a huge mountain to climb to regain their credibility in the area of economic competency, want to slow down the reductions in public expenditure – but that will definitely not happen under the current regime.

In the short term, the beneficiaries of this awful news will be Labour. As Downtown blogger Jim Hancock pointed out last week, they will clean up in the local council elections on 3^rd May. But, if a week is a long time in politics, then three years is ample time for Cameron, Osborne and the economy to recover. Many more weeks like this one though, and the Tory grandees in grey suits will be paying the ‘toffs’ an unwanted visit!